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More Linguistic Slush From the Arctic

November 15, 2011, 10:00 pm

It seems impossible to stop people babbling on about how the Eskimoan languages have huge numbers of distinct word roots denoting different types of snow, and trying to squeeze conclusions about cognition and culture out of this tired turnip of a factoid. Recently I ran into it again on the Web site of Miller McCune, a magazine based in Santa Barbara. “SMART JOURNALISM. REAL SOLUTIONS.”, says the masthead. (Authoritative periods. After each phrase. Might try that.)

And what sort of smart journalism do we actually get? A limp article about endangered languages and “endangered ideas” that once again hands us the old myth about Yup’ik and Inuit vocabulary:

As the famous example says, Eskimo have numerous words to describe what Americans would just call “snow” and “ice.” This suggests language systems don’t merely translate universal ideas into different spellings; they encode different concepts. And when we lose a language, we risk losing those concepts.

Well, this is Lingua Franca. Smart blogging. About language. And we urge you to ask yourself three questions: (1) Do they? (2) Does it? (3) Do we?

The writer of the piece, Emily Badger, gets a morsel of credit for one thing: She links the word “snow” to a short Web article by a genuine Eskimologist, Anthony C. Woodbury of the University of Texas (see a copy here). So she is trying to connect with factual material on the topic. But she hasn’t fully understood the importance or purpose of Woodbury’s piece.

Woodbury, without making too much of a didactic meal of it, is showing us how few snow words there are in Eskimoan languages—specifically in Alaskan Yup’ik, which he has studied for decades. He invites you to reflect on four challenging questions, which you might like to consider applying to English first:

  • (a) What exactly are snow words? (Is slush a snow word in English? What about sleet? Or blizzard?)
  • (b) Do we count synonyms as separate words, given that by definition they denote the same concept?
  • (c) Do we count noun/verb pairs? (Is the underlined verb in It snows a lot here a different word from the underlined noun in You should have seen the snows we had last winter?)
  • (d) Do we count dialect variants as different words, or concentrate on a single dialect? (That is, does some rural word you don’t know count as a word in your language?)

Woodbury’s list includes at least some nonsnow words (e.g., the second word on his list means “frost”), and it has synonyms, and noun/verb pairs, and dialect-limited variants. And crucially, following his list of just 15 Yup’ik words for wintry phenomena he gives a list of 22 such terms in English.

His message is that the Eskimoan languages (Siberian and Alaskan Yup’ik, Canadian Inuktitut, Greenlandic Inuit, etc.) do not appear have large inventories of snow-referring words relative to English or other languages.

But what is perhaps more important is that even if they had scads of such words, it wouldn’t mean they were encoding concepts English speakers didn’t have or can’t get. There’s nothing wrong with using multiword phrases to encode some concepts. There’s no single word for “way to stamp out a stupid but popular belief,” or “spreading of ignorant twaddle by lazy journalists,” but we can form those concepts.

It was Laura Martin, an anthropologist at Cleveland State University, who first pointed out the size of the Eskimoan snow-word stock was an Arctic myth, in a paper read to the American Anthropological Association in 1982, and published in American Anthropologist (after several years of arm-wrestling with defensive anthropologist referees) in 1986. My humorous attempt to publicize her paper first appeared in 1989, and has been reprinted in various places and used as the title essay of The Great Eskimo Vocabulary Hoax in 1991. The trope is now quite well known to be something to poke fun at (Kate Bush jokes about it in the title track of her new album 50 Words for Snow). But journalists ignore the both of us and prattle on regardless, as if it were factual.

I have even known people who know about Laura’s essay and mine, yet tell me that even if the story is not true, we have to go on using it in our introductory lectures on language, because it’s such a good example.

And when someone says that, you need to ask yourself two questions: (1) Do we? (2) Is it?

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  • http://www.arrantpedantry.com Jonathon Owen

    “I have even known people who know about Laura’s essay and mine, yet tell me that even if the story is not true, we have to go on using it in our introductory lectures on language, because it’s such a good example.”

    And this, in turn, is a good example of how people resist ideas that challenge their beliefs and cling to myths that reinforce them.

  • http://twitter.com/HemmensBen Ben Hemmens

    My only observation from Austria is that skiing proficiency (i.e. intimate knowledge of snow) is almost certainly inversely related to vocabulary. Given that the rule of thumb is that a child must start skiing at the age of 3, it’s even possible that skiing takes over some of the brain areas otherwise reserved for language. Well, we do talk about “reading” a slope, and maybe a sequence of bumps and bends and changing snow surfaces needs to be parsed just like a sentence in order to manage it optimally. Anyway, next time you hear a post-race interview with an Austrian skier, it’s not just a bad translation (though it is often that, too). There often isn’t very much for the translator to work with.

  • jpminnc

    Okay, so Boas exaggerated in 1911, and Whorf took it at face value thirty years later.  But does that invalidate the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis? (it doesn’t, but the hypothesis is slippery).  Maybe it’s time for linguists to find a better ‘paradigm’ (to use Kuhn’s word according to Kuhn’s original context) for the claim — something factual this time, and something that the news media can grasp quickly and use meaningfully.  

    • jffoster

      Jpmimic,
          I’m not sure what you’re talking about in your “… Maybe it’s time for linguists to find a better ‘paradigm’ .  I assume you’re referring to the so- and miss-called “Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis”.  It may surprise you to learn that
         a. most linguists don’t believe (in) it, and it certainly is not the guiding or operating “paradigm” for Modern Linguistics. Some of us don’t think it’s worth a pair o’ dimes.
         b. it’s not clear that it measures up to being a bona fide hypothesis — a suggestion for research maybe at best,
         c. there is a strong and a weak version, and Whorf almost surely believed in the weak version, since he believed it could be “overcome” and was the applied linguist par excellence.
         d. It is unwarranted to include Sapir in and unfair to blame him for it
         e. Whorf did NOT accept Boas’ statement at face value, but rather vaguely fudged the data and gave it an almost diametrically opposed interpretation and conclusion.

      I repeat, rather few linguists can be found who believe in the Whorfian relativity hypothesis. One can find some so-called linguistic anthropologists who do but a number of these these days don’t really know (or seem to want to know) much Linguistics.

      One more thing,  the Whorfian Linguistic Relativity “Hypothesis” was not primarily about lexical inventory — what words peoples have for things. It was rather about differences in grammatical systems and most of his writing about relativity is about that.

      • kathden

        (1) Gavagai! (i.e., look at chapter 2 of Quine’s book “Word and Object”)

        (2) Berlin and Kay’s work on color names in scores of languages confirmed a limited and nicely regulated (literally, by rules governing what hues must be distinguished in a language if it has 2, 3, 4, etc. basic color names) relativity of color experience. This doesn’t mean, of course, that people whose language has only two basic color names (that means, in essence, white and black) cannot distinguish red from blue or describe non-named hues. But whereas we English-speakers think of there being an essential category distinction between them, native speakers of other languages might not.

        (BTW: I know that a lot of the discussion of the question characterizes Berlin and Kay as “universalists” opposed by “relativists.” Nevertheless, the core phenomena they investigate are language-relative (regardless of all the attendant presuppositions and postulates about sensation, evolution, and the like). 

  • marcleavitt

    Good for you, Geoff. I always thought they were trying to snow us.

  • djs1635

    Arm-wrestling anthropologists?  Least-attended semi-pro sporting event, I would assume.

  • dank48

    Unless memory fails, I first read an article debunking the idea that Innuit languages have a zillion words for “snow” in the inaugural issue of a really wonderful periodical about academia called “Lingua Franca.”

  • aka darrell

    About 1994 the English to Yup’ik language dictionary at the UofA consortium library in Bethel, Ak had four (4) words for snow. The locals told me, not entirely in jest, that I could not pronounce any of them and not to bother trying.

  • shakesguy

    I’ve long ago forgotten Inuktitut, though I spoke it as my first language, but I do recall being told that it’s one of those languages where words are often extremely long compounds. My Dad knew some Bible translators who used to make it a bit of a game to try to come up with really long words, such as the-handle-of-the-man-whose-duty-it-is-to-care-for-curly-haired-animals (i.e., shepherd’s staff). All that would be one word.

    In a sense, the Inuit have more words for everything, since what for us would be a multiword phrase could be a single word for them. The question of whether Inuktitut has more words for snow is meaningless.

  • mzkebbe

    This is interesting as, I might admit, I have been using the same example to teach my students about language variations. But, how do we know that we are dealing with “different concepts” and not  with synonyms? I believe this a valid question. Arabic, some believe, has fifty words for “lion” too! 

  • philip_carl_salzman

    The Baluch in s.e. Iran have an elaborate vocabulary for camels. (See my BLACK TENTS OF BALUCHISTAN.) For example, they have terms for burden, riding, and racing camels. They also have separate terms for camels of different sex and age combinations. I don’t think that any of these terms represent concepts that English speakers could not understand. But they do represent distinctions that do not exist in English vocabulary.

  • http://twitter.com/AveryAndrews Avery Andrews

    And what do the 20+ ‘squatative’ words we English speakers have for ‘nothing’ say about us? (I think  I might actually use about 10 of them, combining the US and Australian inventories).

    • mbelvadi

      Explain “squatative” please – I Googled extensively and couldn’t find a good definition.

  • mbelvadi

    Having moved to Canada from warmer climes, I really do wish the Eskimos had 50 words for snow, so that we could borrow them into English. This morning we had that little kind of snow that is like little pellets, but it isn’t sleet or hail, more like snowflakes that have had their tips cut off, which causes them to roll around like balls instead of sticking to what they land on. I would have loved to have had a single word or even short phrase that would unambiguously describe that stuff when I came inside and my family asked “is it snowing?” – “no, it’s —–ing”.

    • malayer

      Graupel (also known as small hail or soft hail) might be the word you want (but it’s from the German). Check it out in Wikipedia and see if it’s what you mean

      • mbelvadi

        Awesome word, thank you!  Shall we start a new myth about all the German words for “snow”? :-)

        • malayer

          I think there are plenty of myth around these days– why complicate matters? ; ) Anyway, for what it’s worth, it isn’t clear that graupel is actually a form of snow

  • Terry Collmann

    Philip Carl Salzman: “The English speakers of North America have an elaborate vocabulary for motor vehicles. For example, they have terms for burden (‘truck’), sports (“SUV”) and racing vehicles (“Indycars”). They also have separate terms for vehicles of
    different ages (“woody”, “clunker”). I don’t think that any of these
    terms represent concepts that Baluchi speakers could not understand. But
    they do represent distinctions that do not exist in Baluchi vocabulary.”

    Your point was?

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