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Universities and Income Equality: New Evidence and Conjectures

August 25, 2011, 4:26 pm

I am working on a manuscript on American higher education, and in the course of doing so I am doing some work on the role that universities play in achieving the American Dream—of enhancing upward income mobility between generations, for example. If government support of universities is perceived to be a way of reducing income inequality by letting more relatively low-income persons (e.g., Pell Grant recipients, attendees at low-cost state subsidized schools) to obtain a ticket to potential occupational and financial success, we should see some evidence of that in statistics on income distribution.

We did for a while, but not in recent years. For example, from 1945 to 1970, college enrollments and degree attainment soared (over 10 percent of adults having 4 year degrees by 1970), and measured income inequality (using the Gini ratio) fell noticeably. Higher education seemed to be helping to fulfill egalitarian objectives. Since 1970, however, college attainment has risen in some absolute sense even more rapidly—yet measured income equality has sharply declined.

Could it be that when college education is limited to a small segment of society, expanding it will lower Gini coefficients, making income more equal, but if college becomes pretty widespread, further expansion of it loses its egalitarian flavor and, indeed, starts to worsen income equality? In short, I am asking, does a relationship like the curve below exist?

Looking at cross sectional evidence, namely the 50 states plus D.C., we get evidence supporting the existence of the curve above. First, using regression analysis that controls for some other possible causes of inequality using 2000 Census data, we find that states with high proportions of college graduates on average had also higher amounts of income inequality—more college education was associated with greater disparities between rich and poor. Yet doing the same sort of analysis using the 1970 Census, when only a small proportion of adults had degrees, gives the opposite results: The states with high proportions of college graduates had less income inequality—more “college intensive” states had more equal income distributions.

A bit more sophisticated evidence using the 2000 census data (directly econometrically estimating a non-linear curve like in the graph) also is highly consistent with the curve above. That evidence would suggest the equality maximizing proportion of adult college grads is well below the 30 percent or so we have today. If this is true, “progressives” who are concerned with income equality should oppose efforts such as that of President Obama to expand the proportion of college graduates dramatically.

Why might these results exist? I suspect the law of diminishing returns is at work yet again. When college attendance/graduation is relatively rare, expanding it does bring in a number of able students who graduate and become productive members of the labor force, significantly increasing incomes of persons otherwise not likely to earn as much. But when the proportion of adults gets large and there is a growing disconnect between the pool of graduates and the pool of high paying technical, managerial, and professional jobs, the incremental graduates do not fare as well economically. More of the incremental students are also more ordinary, less able, less bright.

Moreover, as Lowell Gallaway reminds me, this applies on the faculty side as well—we get more and more faculty who are no longer the “best and brightest” in society, as was often the case decades ago.

Today, a degree from a middling quality state school is not typically a ticket to a top or even moderately high-paying job. Yet that is NOT the case for graduates of elite top schools, who have the characteristics more generally found in the earlier era—bright, motivated, disciplined—good potential employees. Thus applications for admission are soaring at the Harvards, Stanfords, Northwesterns and Williams of the world, but typically showing little growth at the non-competitive state schools.

A new elite class has arisen of the Uber College Graduate, the ones from the right schools, creating a sort of quasi-academic aristocracy that is the antithesis of egalitarian thinking. Harvard used to have students who were pretty ordinary—not all that much more brilliant and accomplished than those going to, say, Boston College or even Northeastern University (to put it in a Boston context). That has all changed, and it is starting to show up in income statistics.

This evidence needs more analysis by others, using new data sources, techniques of investigation, etc. But as I read the evidence I have seen to date, the egalitarian justification for government funding of schools and students has taken another hit.

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  • eberg

    Perhaps Prof. Vedder could add a bit more detail here: is the income he is studying/graphing limited to wage and salary income (i.e., the type that is human capital-based, or subject to educational inputs) or does it also include rents, asset returns and other forms of property income that have spiked in recent years? He surely knows the difference between these concepts and should provide the necessary details.

    If it is the latter, and combined with overall real wage loss or stagnation, he is once again leading us astray by finding “overeducation” responsible for the changes.

  • rab60

    Could it be that the BA/BS degrees earned during the period 1945-1970 were more likely to indicate that the recipients had actually earned the grades that were given? During that period colleges and universities were experiencing an oversupply of students. In many cases the instructors were told that they must flunk 30% of their class. Students knew that they must be diligent in their work to avoid being in that 30%, i.e., the students learned how to work. Now, the supply/demand pressure is reversed and the results are predictable.

  • wlgoffe

    The idea that more education leads to more income inequality is the opposite that is found in “The Race between Education and Technology,” Claudia Goldin and Lawrence Katz (both economists at Harvard; Goldin is noted economic historian / labor economist and incoming president of the American Economic Association, while Katz is a labor economist and former chief economist of the Department of Labor).

    On the impact of elite schools, this is the opposite (that is, adjusting for the quality of the student, by and large an elite school adds little to the human capital beyond what a second tier school does) is found by “Estimating the Return to College Selectivity over the Career Using Administrative Earning Data,” Stacy Dale and Alan Kruger (economists from Mathematica and Princeton, respectively), which updates “Estimating the Payoff to Attending a More Selective College: An Application of Selection on Observables and Unobservables,” Dale & Krueger, Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 117, no. 4, November 2002, pp. 1491-1527 (the QJE is one of the leading economics journals).

    Granted, article in the Chronicle don’t cite the relevant literature, but I hope that the upcoming book does. As best I can tell, what Vedder finds is at odds with recent finding on the economic impact of higher education.

    P.S. I wish that DISQUS didn’t require that one accept “third party cookies” (if you’re seeing the message “Warning: A browser setting is preventing you from logging in. Fix this setting to log in” you’ve changed your settings so that they’re not accepted). As one can easily see by Googling, third party cookies are used to track users across the Internet. I’ll be switching my settings back to reject third party cookies in a moment.

  • grohloff

    Along with income from owned assets, consideration should also be given to the income tax rates and how cutting the top marginal rates has tracked with income inequality.

  • 11301218

    Do not forget that in the period of 1945 – 1970, there were good jobs protected by union contracts
    that provided many working class Americans with solid incomes.  It was not necessary to get
    a college degree in order to have a decent life.  The loss of good jobs with union contracts has
    resulted in impoverishment of the working class.  (And this is being followed by a general
    impoverishment of the middle class).  The only way out is perceived to be earning
    a university degree.  The problem with that is that there are degrees and then there are degrees.
    A degree in petroleum engineering is a lot more valuable economically than one in early childhood
    teaching.  Of course, the threshold of math and science skill and preparation for the more valuable
    degrees is high and this selects the small minority who can work at the level needed.  We have
    a lot of students in colleges and university who have no idea why they are there except the
    belief that a college degree is the ticket out of the neighborhood or off the farm.  It boils down to
    what degree does a student pursue and the intellectual dues that they have to pay before and
    during college to earn it.

  • uteplib2

    Discovering the real reason for this correlation would be against the political agenda of CCAP.

  • 11127960

    Perhaps the reasons for the greater inequality include the following two. First, when there are more individuals with BAs available it is easier to expect that credential, which thereby devalues the alternative workers – those without BAs. Second, The inequality may be exacerbated by the fact that those left without BAs are not of the same ilk as the ones without BAs when the pool was larger. In syou can hire a BA and second those without a BA are not of the same quality as those without used to be. Hence the penalty for not having a BA is greater. 

  • mendo9x

    This analysis fails to account for the confounding influence of other historical events that are coincident with the noted trend. In other words, correlation is not causation. In the vernacular of research design this is known as a history threat to external validity.

  • http://twitter.com/lstuitionbubble Matt Leichter

    I have to agree with a few of the previous commenters, though Professor Vedder freely admits his thoughts are preliminary. Causation requires (1) time sequence, (2) correlation, and (3) non-spuriousness. One and two we have; three, not so much.

    I seriously doubt that excess college degrees caused income inequality in the last few decades. Indeed, the “progressives” I read (e.g. Dean Baker) show more concern about repealing the Reagan tax cuts, cutting the trade deficit, and restoring private sector union membership as ways to improving income equality. Minting more college degrees just isn’t on their agenda.

  • 11274135

    It is, I suppose, useful or, at least, interesting, to know how increasing or decreasing the number of college educated people affects income distribution.  But it is not so clear what policy conclusions should be drawn from this information. Is reducing income inequality the only reason for promoting a more highly educated citizenry?  Might there be some other reasons why government might subsidize higher education?

  • bscmath78

    Professor Vedder analysis neglects important Supply & Demand factors like the Baby Boom, the Viet Nam War and stagflation.  Please see more at:
     
    http://chronicle.com/blogs/innovations/too-much-for-too-little/30220#comment-297247966