Former Emory University president William M. Chace’s cover story on affirmative action in The American Scholar garnered a strong rebuke earlier this week from Mark Bauerlein in the Chronicle’s Brainstorm blog. Bauerlein correctly points out that Chace’s contention—that racial preference policies have facilitated “the graduation of thousands of young men and women who otherwise would not have passed within the gates of a college or university”—overstates the case. Admissions preferences allowed thousands of black and Latino students to attend more selective universities than they would otherwise have done, but the choice is not between “Yale and jail.” More likely, it is between Yale and the University of Connecticut at Waterbury.
As affirmative action is a contentious and thorny issue, I’ll weigh in to take issue with both Bauerlein and Chase. Affirmative action still matters a great deal even if it only prevents a “slide down the ladder” from Yale to Waterbury, as Bauerlein puts it, because the experiences at different colleges can alter a student’s trajectory. As I’ve noted elsewhere, controlling for various factors, attending a selective institution is associated with increased rates of graduation and increased wages, particularly for low-income and minority students. And selective institutions disproportionately provide entree into America’s leadership class.
Instead, I think Chace’s chief mistake is to ignore the role of class in discussing the issue of racial affirmative action. The problem begins when he describes Lyndon Johnson’s 1965 commencement address at Howard University, in which Johnson famously declared, “You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains and liberate him, bring him up to the starting line of a race and then say, ‘you are free to compete with all the others,’ and still justly believe that you have been completely fair.” Chace suggests, as others have, that Johnson’s speech provides a justification for university admissions preferences based on race.
But as I outline in my book, The Remedy, Johnson’s speech, written by Richard Goodwin and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, never mentioned the idea of using racial preferences, and media reports at the time explicitly noted the omission. Instead the speech called for a number of race-neutral class-based programs to provide better jobs, housing, education, and health care. Johnson’s subsequent executive order (11246) called for federal contractors to take “affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color or national origin.” In an interview, Moynihan told me, “It always seemed to me that you would take care of this race problem in the context of a class problem.”
Likewise, Chace cites large gaps in math and verbal SAT scores between blacks and whites as a rationale for continued affirmative-action programs. On average, black students scored 209 points lower on the critical reading and math sections than white students in 2008. But Chace never probes the question of why blacks score lower than whites on average. Research that does examine this issue points primarily to the role of economic disadvantage. In a 2010 Century Foundation study, for example, Anthony Carnevale and Jeff Strohl found that controlling for socioeconomic factors, the black/white gap on the combined math and verbal sections of the SAT shrinks to 56 points, while the gap between rich and poor is seven times larger, at 399 points.
Fortunately, as David Leonhardt noted in a perceptive New York Times column yesterday, some colleges—such as Amherst—are beginning to take steps to directly address socioeconomic diversity alongside race. As Leonhardt notes, this represents a departure for higher education, which is much more attuned to issues of race. It’s striking that in 2003, just as the University of Michigan was defending the use of racial affirmative action in the U.S. Supreme Court, more freshmen entered from families making more than $200,000 a year than from the bottom half of the income distribution. Amherst’s attention to class inequality is welcome—and very much in keeping with LBJ’s original vision of affirmative action.

